Študentsko društvo za mednarodne odnose Globallis je v sodelovanju s Katedro in Centrom za mednarodne odnose Fakultete za družbene vede organiziralo drugo Študentsko konferenco o mednarodnih odnosih. Konferenca je potekala 4. maja 2022 v sklopu tedna Evrope. Osnovna cilja organizacije študentske konference sta:
- študentom ponuditi priložnost pridobivanja izkušenj na področju strokovnega in znanstvenega raziskovalnega dela in
- popularizirati znanstveno in strokovno področje Mednarodnih odnosov.
Na drugi zaporedni študentski konferenci smo organizirali šest panelov. Na vsakem izmed njih so sodelovali trije študentje s svojim raziskovalnim delom ter razpravljalci - člani Katedre za mednarodne odnose.
Pri organizaciji sta sodelovala: Patrik Marčetič in Izak Miklavčič
Znanstveni odbor so sestavljali: prof. dr. Maja Bučar, prof. dr. Zlatko Šabič, prof. dr. Ana Bojinović Fenko, izr. prof. dr. Julija Brzakoska Bazerkoska, doc. dr. Jure Požgan, doc. dr. Danijel Crnčec, doc. dr. Boris Lučev, asist. dr. Faris Kočan in asist. Klemen Knez.
V nadaljevanju objavljamo povzetke, ki so bili sprejeti v objavo:
David Bandelj, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Priložnosti in izzivi vključevanja malih držav v neformalne povezave – primer vstopa Slovenije v EU MED 9
Slovenija, ki sebe dojema kot jadransko in pomorsko državo z lastno sredozemsko razsežnostjo, se je v zadnjih letih aktivneje vključila v pravne, politične in institucionalne okvirje, ki vzpostavljajo tesnejše sodelovanje med sredozemskimi državami članicami Evropske unije (EU) in državami v južni soseščini npr. Evro-sredozemsko partnerstvo, Unija za Sredozemlje, Evropska sosedska politika in Jadransko-jonska pobuda, ki vključuje tudi države Zahodnega Balkana. Leta 2021 je postala še članica neformalne skupine EU MED 9, ki vključuje Francijo, Španijo, Portugalsko, Italijo, Grčijo, Ciper, Malto in Hrvaško. Kot pozitivni zunanjepolitični učinki delovanja podobno mislečih držav v okviru koncepta neformalnega povezovanja znotraj EU so v prispevku opredeljeni povečanje skupinskega vpliva in legitimnosti držav znotraj skupine ter povečana možnost reševanja skupnih izzivov. Izpostavljeni negativni učinki so pa možna nekoherentnost in zmanjševanje delovanja ter vpliva v drugih že uveljavljenih mrežah neformalnega povezovanja. V prispevku je tako izpostavljeno raziskovalno vprašanje – kakšne so pričakovane pozitivne in negativne posledice vstopa Slovenije v EU MED 9? S pomočjo analize sekundarnih in primarnih virov, v katerih so predstavljena slovenska stališča do Sredozemlja, predvsem pa severnega Jadrana – Strategiji o zunanji politiki Slovenije (2015 in 2021), Akcijski načrti za delovanje Slovenije do Zahodnega Balkana in Letna poročila o delovanju Slovenije na Zahodnem Balkanu, kot glavno slabost članstva izpostavljam možnost zapostavljanja že obstoječih formatov sodelovanja v regiji (npr. Jadranska-jonska pobuda). Pričakovano pozitivno posledico članstva, pa prepoznavam v uspešnejšem uveljavljanju njenih varnostnih in ekonomskih interesov v severnem Jadranu. Tukaj poudarjam predvsem priložnost hitrejšega reševanja odprtih dvostranskih vprašanj z Italijo in novo pridruženo članico EU MED 9 Hrvaško, v luči razglasitve izključnih ekonomskih območij v Jadranskem morju, kar povečuje vpliv in legitimnost delovanja Slovenije na drugih področjih neformalnega sodelovanja v regiji.
Ključne besede: Sredozemlje, severni Jadran, neformalne povezave, Slovenija, EU MED 9
Nikola Donev, Univerza sv. Cirila in Metoda, Pravna fakulteta, Skopje (S. Makedonija)
Between emancipation and nationalism: The case of North Macedonia
The breakup of Yugoslavia and the formation of the new Balkan states resulted in the rise of nationalism as the newly independent republics pursued policies of ethnically centered nation-building. These post-Yugoslav states have to reconcile the processes of transnational emancipation and integration into institutions such as the EU and the act of nation-building. The tension between these processes has led to the political polarization of society and a rise in nationalistic and authoritarian tendencies. Despite promising efforts and successes in the early years of independence, most Balkan countries deteriorated into illiberal democracies with authoritarian leaders which left the region unstable with ethnic tensions which still guide daily politics. This presentation will give an overview of the development of nationalist rhetoric, with a focus on the educational system in North Macedonia and the depiction of the “other”. Within the context of North Macedonia’s multicultural context, the presentation will analyze the reading materials in the field of historical education and reflect on the messages and ideas that students learn and the compatibility of taught concepts with European values. This will give us an insight into the emancipatory potential of the country to communicate and integrate into the international community, and the EU. The analysis shows that North Macedonia’s historical education, which has seen little reform after 2001, focuses on two separate historical narratives - the Macedonian and Albanian (the two biggest ethnic groups) with the purpose of constructing a national identity based on cultural exceptionalism that extends to the past as much as possible. This is counter to the modern concept of “pedagogy of peace”. Additionally, this educational concept influences our views towards the EU, as people are hesitant to identify with a larger European identity out of fear of loosing their national identity.
Keywords: Nationalism, education, democracy, emancipation
Delina Hajradinović, Univerza sv. Cirila in Metoda, Pravna fakulteta, Skopje (S. Makedonija)
Politics in times of global pandemic-the case of Western Balkans
The impact of COVID-19 created a spider web of issues and further accentuated the already-existing, systematic weaknesses in the regional political systems. Every state was coping with the virus differently, but they all shared the common panic buying of food, sanitary equipment, border closing and common health measures. Western Balkan countries were facing challenges on many levels and facing shifts in power dynamics on both domestic and international scene. On one hand, people felt united in their fight against a new common enemy, but on the other, the fear of the unknown made them feel threatened by one another. This resulted in the rise of anti-internationalism and further doubt in global cooperation. The dynamic of the decision-making process could metaphorically be explained through the ancient legend of the Gordian knot known as “several knots all so tightly entangled but impossible to see how they were fastened". The high death rates and the shortage of vaccines were part of the tragic struggle of Western Balkans. However, this did not stop political gains and tactics which China and Russia used with vaccine diplomacy and ensured their geopolitical roles in the region. Serbia was the first country that was supplied with vaccines earlier. Following in Serbian footsteps, other Western Balkan nations, desperate for help, turned to China and Russia for jabs, as EU nations faced their own vaccine delays. In 2021, the European Commission’s delivery of vaccines to Western Balkan countries was poorly preformed, which made the health crisis into a political arena where the developing countries once again are left standing in the middle. The Western Balkans untie an impossible knot by themselves, when it becomes visible that one knot it’s their compact work towards domestic stability and security which regionally must be done, while the other is the one that leads them to endless opportunities from international cooperation for bettering their systems, securing protection, evaluation and coordination. This presentation aimed to show that even in a virus-filled world, countries do fight pivotal questions of life and death, but they must be saviors on their own before help comes their way.
Keywords: Developing countries, COVID-19 virus, vaccination, Western Balkans
Blaž Juren, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
The unbelievable rise of China
China is a growing superpower, which has been experiencing fast growth in multiple areas. This growth might seem unbelievable, but China still lacks an ability to truly rule the world, surpass the US, and become the world’s number one. That is why China’s rise truly is unbelievable – in its literal sense. Based on analysis of secondary sources together with a conceptual framework of smart power (in comparison to the US) I identify the reasons, explain and answer my question – Why China won’t rise? Smart power is a concept, which combines both hard and soft power approaches in international relations. It understands the necessity of a strong military and economy, as well as of the importance of partnerships, alliances and institutions at all levels. The current reality of IR demonstrates that both “powers” are ultimately related because they both represent the ability to achieve a desired goal. China has rapidly transformed from an underdeveloped nation to a major actor in international politics, but it is still lacking behind due to some major problems: China’s economy has shown many weaknesses in the past years, indicating that its long lasting growth might stop. Multiple economic factors show, why China’s economy isn’t as strong as it seems, often because entrepreneurs and enterprises are subservient to the political order. Besides that, the decentralization process has stopped, real estate defaults continue and many loans given by China turned out to be nonperforming. China also needs a stronger military to strengthen its economic position, to make allies and improve its diplomacy. In comparison to the US military, an enormous gap separates China’s military capabilities from its aspirations. We can link that to our conceptual framework of smart power and see, that the two “powers” really are ultimately related, which means that China has to improve its power position in the international system if it wants to lead. All of the mentioned preconditions of power indicate that China is still a long way from becoming the world’s number one.
Keywords: Smart power, China, US hegemony, domestic factors
Tomislav Levanić, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Multinational companies environmental responsibility
Alarming environmental problems caused by human impacts on nature prompted concepts such as sustainable development beeing seen as new ideology of the 21st century. Combining this with liberal IR view that gives great emphasis to the roles of different actors, the aim of this research is to study how the actions, i.e. harmful environmental impacts of MNCs are regulated. Moreover, this research also tries to reveal shortcomings of the current regulatory framework and see in which direction should go further development of MNCs environmental responsibility? MNCs are thus within the umbrella term 'environmental responsibiliy' subjected to 2 'types' of control, i.e. environmental responsabilities; Legal environmental responsibility and Corporate social responsibility (CSR). Namely, control of MNCs through international conventions, as well as individual domestic legislation, is quite elaborated. But there are certain shortcomings that allow MNCs to continue to pass ‘under the radar’; MNCs are still seen as objects and states still remain subjects. Furthermore, MNCs have long been viewed primarily as economic actors, enabling them to act towards BITs through which they can exploit 'dual legislation' thus exploiting the resources of underdeveloped countries. On the other hand, CSR is actually trying to patch these shortcomings by offering global codes of conducts, adopting which and adhering to them, MNCs further improve their environemntal responsibility. Also in this way, MNCs provide themselves with a 'good green status'. However, here are also various shortcomings; states are still those who have to enforce standards, and on the other hand MNCs practicing so called 'greenwashing' practices. In recent years, many actors invested great efforts in improving the environmental responsability of MNCs but there is still a long way to go. And according to Anthony Giddens, real change will be achieved only with a complete change of approach to the entire IEP area, i.e. awareness of all actors, including MNCs, that environmental protection is needed to be put in the forefront, and no longer just economic benefits.
Keywords: Multinational companies (MNCs), Environmental responsibility, Corporate social responsability (CSR), International environmental protection (IEP)
Luka Radičević, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Technological Development: Merely a Tool for States or a Threat to the International Community?
International relations theory, especially realism, teaches us that security has been the focus of states since the beginning of the contemporary international community. Traditionally, states have been reliant on military powers to keep their citizens safe and their sovereignty intact. Doing that successfully depended to a large extent on technology available at the time. However, 21st century has brought us exponential technological development, and we now live in a world permeated by (digital) technology – increasing human capacity to cause harm more than ever. On the other hand, international law has fallen behind, not being able to successfully address novel security threats. States are already well acquainted with cyber-attacks, and the implementation of 5G technologies both on economies and the life of people has shown itself significant enough to find its place in the trade war between China and the USA. Capitalism has helped transnational enterprises like Apple grow into such significant actors in the international community that we might soon start questioning the predominantly state-centred international politics. By interpreting primary and secondary sources and correlating findings with events that threaten international security, this paper analyses how technology has been impacting international relations, showing its potential to reshape international community as we know it. The inversely proportionate speed of technological development and the time needed to adopt new and relevant international legislation to regulate it threaten to turn the world from a »technological utopia« to a »globalisation dystopia.« Although the EU is setting a good regional example by adopting the Digital Services Act and revising the Radio Equipment Directive, individual states still rush to adopt national laws in times of crisis. This raises many concerns, some of which are addressed in the paper advocating that a different approach to managing technology is crucial for the future of international community.
Keywords: technological development, security threats, transnational enterprises, state-centred politics, (inter)national legislation.
Tijana Ristoska, Univerza sv. Cirila in Metoda, Pravna fakulteta, Skopje (S. Makedonija)
The Diplomatic Role and the Present Challenges of UNEP in Tackling the Issues of Climate Change
For more than 6 decades, scientists have been warning that the increasing concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases would warm the earth's atmosphere and change our climate, thus changing the whole direction of the life of all living species on Earth. (Global Warming , 2022) The concerning scientific evidence on climate change led to the creation of the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), dedicated to tackling the climate crisis on a variety of fronts. After the adoption of the program, numerous international conferences on environment have been held, which significantly advanced the world’s effort to address climate change. Finally, with the Paris Agreement signed in 2015, all countries, including the two largest emitters (China and the United States) pledged to take serious, if not binding, commitments. However, according to a United Nations (UN) report from 2019, despite continued effort by international bodies at setting global standards for environmental protections and greenhouse gas reduction, these international environmental laws are facing a problem that is relatively common to international legal frameworks - lack of sufficient enforcement methods. While the news issued by the report is undoubtedly concerning for the future of the planet, it is unlikely to be surprising to those familiar with the history and operation of international law. Lack of sufficient enforcement mechanisms is an issue that has affected international bodies and agreements throughout the twentieth century and this issue continues to frustrate the international community’s efforts to implement effective global policy in the twenty-first century.This presentation is aimed at analysing the timeline and the failure of states to enforce international environmental protection policies, with special focus on the United Nations Environment Program.
Keywords: Environment, international agreements, international society
Jerneja Starič, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Vodna diplomacija kot področje specializacije slovenske zunanje politike
Področje specializacije v zunanji politiki (niša) predstavlja področje, na katerem ima država specifično znanje. Specializacijo na področju zunanje politke tipično izberejo majhne države z omejenimi zmožnostmi za uporabo lastnih virov. Cilj držav pri uporabi niš v zunanji politiki je izstopati na izbranem področju. Sledeči prispevek bo razpravljal o vprašanju ali lahko vodna diplomacija postane nišno področje slovenske zunanje politike. Za to so zastavljeni trije kriteriji za opredelitev področja kot niše, povzeti po van Genderen in Rood (2011): država poseduje specifično znanje, ki je na mendarodni ravni skopo in iskano; država vlaga v dolgoročne aktivnosti na področju in je ustvarila široko mrežo akterjev s področja; država je prepoznana kot akter na tem področju, kar se odraža v institutcionalni odgovornosti. Vodno diplomacijo lahko za potrebe tega prispevka opredelimo kot vsakršn kontakt med vladnimi oz. nevladnimi akterji ter drugo državo ali mednarodno organizacijo na področju čezmejnih sladkovodnih virov. Prvi kriterij predstavlja sodelovanje na regionalni ravni v okviru porečij Donave in jadranskih rek, kjer sodelujemo na tehničnem področju znotraj rečnih komisij. Slovenija je skupaj s štirimi državami porečja del čezmejnega biosfernega območja Mura-Drava-Donava, ki je bil s strani UNESCO priznan kot največji te vrste v Evropi. Pri nas se nahaja tudi UNESCO Katedra za zmanjševanje tveganj ob vodnih ujmah, poleg tega pa vodimo projekt Tveganje za sušo v podonavski regiji ter gostimo platformo Drinkadria. Drug kriterij izpolnjuje članstvo Slovenije v Skupini prijateljev vode in miru, slovenska podpora UNECE Vodni konvenciji, ter članstvo Slovenije v Globalnem panelu za vodo in mir. Tretji kriterij predstavlja predsedovanje UNECE Vodni konvenciji 2024–2027. Konvenciji so v preteklosti predsedovale države kot je Nizozemska, katere aktivnost na področju vodne diplomacije je med najbolj priznanimi, kar nakazuje, da prepoznana tudi slovenska aktivnost. Poleg tega Slovenija pomen trajnostnega upravljanja z vodami poudarja tako v okviru OZN, kot tudi EU. Omejitev Slovenije na področju vodne diplomacije predstavlja vidik mediacije konflikotv zaradi vode in preprečevanje konflikotv zaradi vode. V tem pogledu se Slovenija žal ni zmožna primerjati z državami, ki so bolj finančno zmogljive.
Ključne besede: Slovenija, vodna diplomacija, zunanja politika, upravljanje z vodo
Ajda Ščuka, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Usability of international law in the phenomenon of cyber operations: the West against authoritarian countries or vice versa
A simultaneous development of the internet and new domain of military operations – the cyberspace – caused the perception gap between certain Western and authoritarian countries on the applicability of international law in cyber operations and contemporary hybrid wars, like that in Ukraine. While the former affirm it, the latter deny it on the basis of unique invisible realm of cyberspace, which offers them the opportunity to achieve political objectives without the utilization of military force. Based on this theoretical premises of conceptual perception gap between Western and authoritarian countries on the existence of cyber-specific customary law, I will try to show the consequence of current void between (lack of) public state practice and opinio juris on the example of Operation Buckshot Yankee in United States, in response to alleged cyber-attack by the Russian Federation (RF). As there certainly is no “Digital Geneva Convention”, I used the Tallin Manual 1.0 made by International Legal Experts to exemplify the future of applicability of customary or international humanitarian law (IHL) in cyber operations. The non-governmental organisations could therefore again prove to be the main actors in “writing” international law. In disagreements between Western countries as well, on how the existing jus ad bellum (norms of sovereignty and non-intervention) and jus in bello applies in cyberspace, I focus primarily on the latter. During peace time as well as armed conflict there is a problem of attributing cyber-attacks to possible arbitrators and determining their legal responsibility for them. The cyber-unique disputed aspects of jus in bello include threshold of the international armed conflict and the use of reprisals, where a dangerous exemption has been made by allowing them to be used also protectively. On the former Tallin Manual 1.0 defines two competing views and provides us with the legal definition of cyber operations, in accordance with which the threshold can be determined. Indeed, the empirical example has shown that the alleged executor (RF) being a party to the armed conflict in the Middle East established applicability of IHL and all its basic principles. However, we cyclically return to the problem of attribution. This contribution has shown the extent of network vulnerabilities, consequence of lack of clarity in “international law of cyber operations” between authoritarian and Western countries, resulting for the latter to strengthen their cyber defence capabilities.
Keywords: Tallin Manual 1.0, international customary law, cyber operations, problem of attribution, Operation Buckshot Yankee
Lovro Volf, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede (Slovenija)
Vpliv ustvarjanja sveta po zahodni ”sliki” na porast iliberalizma na zahodu
S koncem hladne vojne je zahodna liberalna demokracija z Združenimi državami Amerike načelu slavila zmago nad iliberalnimi silami. To je zahodu omogočilo širjenje liberalnih vrednot, kar pa je ustvarilo posledice za domačo politiko zahodnih držav. V raziskavi uporabim teoretični okvir, kot ga zastavi Waltz, tj. okvir ravni analize, ki pomaga razložiti to trditev. »Tretja slika« opisuje razporeditev zmogljivosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, po razpadu Sovjetske zveze in nastop unipolarnosti. Zahodne države so tako lahko nemoteno širile liberalno svetovno ureditev. »Druga slika« opredeljuje naravo sistema v zahodnih državah. Ta pomaga razumeti, zakaj so zahodne države želele liberalizirati svet in se niso odločile za promocijo kakšne druge ideologije. Kot tretjo raven analize pa uporabim teoretični prispevek Peter Gourevitch, ki je prispeval »obrnjena druga sliko« in sicer, kako so mednarodna dogajanja in posledice vplivale na zahodne države. S tem okvirjem osvetlim vpliv trendov mednarodne ravni na notranjo politiko zahodnih držav. Prispevek analizira predpostavko, da je zahodna strategija liberalizacije na območjih kot so Bližnji vzhod, Rusija in Kitajska, ustvarila povratni učinek na zahodne države in s tem prispevala k vzponu iliberalnih sil. Zahod je želel oblikovati svet po svoji »sliki,« s tem pa je ustvaril posledice, ki so doprinesle h krizi zahodnega liberalnega sistema. Cilji zahoda so temeljili na predpostavki o univerzalnosti liberalnih vrednot, kjer bi liberalni mehanizmi, kot sta širjenje prostih trgov in demokracije, spodbujali mir, varnost in blaginjo. Kot ključni strategiji liberalizacije vidimo ekonomsko globalizacijo in spremembe režimov (vojaške intervencije), ki sta prispevali k vzponu iliberalizma znotraj zahodnih držav prek družbeno-ekonomskih in kulturnih mehanizmov. Analiza je osredotočena na dva glavna primera. Prvi je integracija Kitajske v globalni ekonomski sistem, ki je pustila vidne negativne posledice za ameriško gospodarstvo, te pa so pripomogle k vzponu nacionalizma in ekonomskega populizma. Drugi primer je intervencija in poskus spremembe režima v Libiji in Siriji, ki povzročata migrantsko krizo, kar je vzpodbudilo vzpon skrajno desnih in nacionalističnih strank v Evropi. Oba primera jasno ponazorita vpliv strategij liberalizacije na vzpon iliberalnih sil znotraj zahodnih držav.
Ključne besede: liberalizem, iliberalizem, Waltz, ekonomska globalizacija, sprememba režimov